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Wen Zaiyin fell into the “presidential curse”?

  After the national approval rate fell all the way below 30%, South Korean President Yoon Sek-yue’s campaign to “investigate the previous government” campaign promised to eventually point to former President Moon Jae-in. On August 19, after obtaining a search warrant from the Seoul High Court, the Seoul Central District Prosecutor’s Office searched and collected evidence from the Presidential Archives in Sejong City to find the decision-making materials of the Moon Jae-in government.
  By this time, Moon Jae-in and his ministers had been caught in two “legal nets” woven by the new government. The first is a series of “blacklist” cases. Prosecutors accused the Moon Jae-in administration of setting up a “blacklist” of executives appointed by the former conservative Park Geun-hye administration but not yet expired, forcing these officials to resign early.
  In June this year, the prosecution applied for the arrest of Bai Yunkui, the former Minister of Industry, Commerce and Resources, on charges of abuse of power. Although the court rejected it, it did not slow down the progress of the investigation. Recently, the prosecutors searched the offices of the Ministry of Unification and the Ministry of Science and Technology, trying to find evidence that former unification minister Zhao Mingjun and others abused their power. However, the prosecutors listed more than ten officials who were victims of “abuse of power” by Bai Yunkui, while only one victim was named for Zhao Mingjun’s “abuse of power”, which made the progressive camp question the real purpose of the search of the Ministry of Unification. Zhang “French Net”: “Repatriation of Fishermen from North Korea”.
  In October 2019, one year after the navies of the two Koreas ceased hostilities with each other, the South Korean navy found two North Korean fishermen crossing the border in waters controlled by the South. The Moon Jae-in government investigation said that the two men fled south after killing a total of 16 fishing boat captains and other crew members in North Korean waters. Jeong Eui-yong, the then head of the National Security Office of the Blue House, pointed out that because the two fishermen were murder suspects rather than “political defectors”, the government quickly made a decision to return them to the north. In November, the DPRK and the ROK handed over personnel at Panmunjom.
  However, after the Yin Xiyue government came to power, it re-raised the repatriation case as a “human rights incident”. On the one hand, it claimed that the two suspects were constitutionally South Korean citizens, and that the decision of the Moon Jae-in government harmed their legitimate rights and interests; on the other hand, they criticized Moon’s swift decision was to invite North Korea’s top leader Kim Jong-un to a special South Korea-ASEAN summit. According to the analysis of Korean legal circles, this case may involve many crimes such as abuse of power, dereliction of duty, collaborating with the enemy, financing the enemy, covering up, leaking secrets, etc. Considering that the Moon Jae-in government makes relevant decisions in the form of a national security conference, the Yin Xiyue government chose this option. The incident served as a breakthrough in the investigation of the previous government, with the aim of “cleaning up” Moon Jae-in’s diplomatic, security, and unification high-level officials.
  Before the search of the presidential archives, the prosecution and “citizen groups” had charged Zheng Euirong, former Unification Minister Kim Yong-teol, and former National Intelligence Director Xu Xun and other key aides to Moon Jae-in on related charges. Among them, the prosecution pays special attention to the investigation of Xu Xun. He has long traveled between North and South as Moon Jae-in’s special envoy, and it is said that he has also gained the trust of North Korean high-level officials. The conservative camp suspects that he is a key insider of the “secret deal” between Moon Jae-in and the North.
  It is worth noting that Seo Hoon first established contact with North Korean officials in 2000 under the recommendation of Park Ji-won, who was the former secretary of President Kim Dae-jung. And Park Ji-won was Kim Dae-jung’s special envoy to and from the North and South during the implementation of the “Sunshine Policy”. Soon after Kim Dae-jung left office, he was arrested on the charge of “transferring money to the north” and sentenced to three years in prison.

Moon Jae-in. Figure / Surging Image

  Analysts believe that “breaking the ice” between the DPRK and the ROK often requires South Korean leaders to break through the established procedures and take extraordinary measures, while the conservative camp seizes the procedural issues to attack the progressive camp and undermines the relationship between the North and the South. In the case of Kim Dae-jung’s “transfer to the North”, former Unification Minister Lim Dong-won, former Blue House Economic Secretary Lee Ki-ho and Park Ji-won were all arrested, and Hyundai Group CEO Jung Mong-heon, who was in charge of the “transfer”, committed suicide. Now, all parties are worried that this scene will be repeated.
  South Korean politics is known as the “presidential curse”, and the three presidents before Moon Jae-in, Roh Moo-hyun, Lee Myung-bak, and Park Geun-hye, have all been prosecuted. However, the recent movements of Yin Xiyue’s government and South Korean prosecutors have been questioned by public opinion too hastily. The analysis believes that due to the economic recession and the social crisis caused by education reform, Yin Xiyue’s approval rate was only 28% when he was in power for 100 days, ranking second to last among previous presidents, far lower than 78% when Moon Jae-in was in power for 100 days. The low approval rate has put Yin Xiyue’s team in an extremely embarrassing situation. Yin Xiyue has publicly stated many times recently that she will introspect and reflect.
  Considering that the poll data shows that “decisive, good at action, and perseverance” accounted for a relatively high proportion of positive comments on him, and Yin Xiyue, who sent Park Geun-hye and Lee Myung-bak to prison, was known as an “iron-fisted prosecutor” during his election campaign. A new president may want to gain higher approval ratings by accelerating prosecutions of the Moon Jae-in government, at least for the conservative camp to regain their support. However, among the negative comments about Yin Xiyue, “arbitrary behavior” also accounted for a high proportion. The South Korean prosecutor’s “close cooperation” with the former senior prosecutor in the pace of action has caused the public and Congress to question whether the public prosecution system has become the president’s “private weapon.”