The Roy case was overturned, and the drug flow became more difficult?

Doctors perform an ultrasound on a woman at the Reproductive Health Center clinic in Albuquerque, New Mexico, U.S., June 23, 2022, a day before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. Later she had an abortion in the clinic

  On June 27, three days after the Supreme Court voted 5-4 to overturn Roe v. Wade (“Roe”), a 10-year-old girl in Ohio touched the state for being more than six weeks pregnant. The Abortion Prohibition Law makes it only possible to travel to Indiana next door to prepare for an abortion.
  But what made the girl pregnant: rape.
  Ohio is one of the states with the most anti-abortion stance. The state law states that women can have an abortion within six weeks of pregnancy; after six weeks of pregnancy, the fetus has a heartbeat, and according to the Christian interpretation, abortion at this time is equivalent to murdering a whole life – even if the pregnancy was caused by rape and incest. .
  Returning legislative power to the states on whether to allow abortion, the Supreme Court’s decision will not reduce controversy, as three dissenting liberal justices say, will force the court to further engage in hotly contested moral and philosophical issues. “It threw away a known, workable and predictable criterion in favor of something new and possibly more complex.”
closed pink house

  After the Supreme Court formally overturned the Roe case on June 24, 13 states in the United States will take effect immediately or within a month due to their previously passed “trigger laws”. As a result, many occupations, buildings and memories become history.
  On July 3, the last abortion clinic in the conservative state of Mississippi, a single-story cottage with a pink-painted exterior, officially closed.
  Clinic director Diane Deziers said in an interview on June 24 that she was mentally prepared for the day. “For the next 10 days, we will be open for business as usual.” They completed 35 abortions and received 25 abortion consultations that day.
  The fate of the Pink House is a reflection of the vast majority of similar clinics in conservative states. The documentary “Jackson City” documented how “unpopular” such clinics are in conservative states: there are often people whining around the building. Many were holding Bibles or holding signs that read “Women will regret abortion.”
  Every time someone walks into the clinic, this group of people surrounds them and tries to convince them not to have an abortion. In more serious cases, they would sing, chant and shout at the clinic during business hours.
  Now, these abortion clinics, which Christians see as a thorn in their side, will be completely shut down with the abortion ban enacted by conservative states. According to statistics, in addition to the 13 states that have enacted “trigger laws”, another 11 states are likely to enact abortion bans in the future.
  Abortion can become difficult even in states where abortion is legal. Middlebury College economist Caitlin Myers analyzed that abortion clinics in legal states could be overwhelmed by out-of-state women, leading to a run on medical resources. “States like Colorado, Kansas, and Illinois — surrounded by states that ban abortions, will be major destinations for women seeking abortions.” The
  Texas experience illustrates the impact. On September 1, 2021, the No. 8 bill of the Texas Senate, known as the “Strictest Abortion Law in the United States”, namely the “Texas Heartbeat Act”, came into effect. Since then, many women in the state have traveled to neighboring New Mexico, Oklahoma, Louisiana and other states to seek abortion services.
  Medical appointments in surrounding states were delayed by four to six weeks as clinics were crowded with women from Texas. Some women who originally chose to have an abortion in the first trimester were forced to delay the abortion until the second trimester.
  The Myers study noted that when clinics are closed and the distance to abortion clinics increases, the number of women who have abortions falls accordingly. He estimates that for every 100 miles of driving, the rate of surgical abortions drops by 20 percent.
surge of drugs

  Abortion may not be as dwindling as it seems, though. History shows that women will find other ways to have abortions. These forms of abortion are harder to count, quantify, and have blurred boundaries.
  A major alternative is medical abortion. About 1,100 women in the state are ordering abortion pills from overseas each month after the Texas Heartbeat Act of 2021 goes into effect, three times as many as before, data show.
  Abortion pills are generally taken 10 weeks before pregnancy. It involves two different drugs: mifepristone and misoprostol; they are taken 24 to 48 hours apart. Taking the drug can cause a woman to experience abortion-like contractions that expel the gestational sac. There will be menstrual-like bleeding during the process.
  In December 2021, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) permanently removed the requirement that patients must visit a clinic or doctor to obtain mifepristone in person. Not only is this an official stamp on the safety of the abortion drug, it also makes it very easy for people to get mifepristone.
The Myers study noted that when clinics are closed and the distance to abortion clinics increases, the number of women who have abortions falls accordingly. He estimates that for every 100 miles of driving, the rate of surgical abortions drops by 20 percent.

  Today, medical abortion is used for more than half of all abortions in the United States. It’s less expensive, less intrusive, and protects patient privacy—women who want an abortion can receive the pills by courier, take them on their own, via video, phone, or even email consultation with a doctor.
  Conservative states have also introduced restrictions on abortion pills. According to US media statistics, 19 states have introduced laws prohibiting the use of telemedicine to dispense abortion pills. Women who want to have an abortion must come to the site in person to receive it. Not long ago, the governor of Louisiana signed a bill that would prohibit out-of-state medical practitioners from sending abortion pills to the state, punishable by 10 years in prison.
  Still, legal scholars say it’s harder for law enforcement agencies to deal with drugs than to shut down abortion clinics outright. Activities like picking up pills by courier, or traveling to states where abortion is legal, make regulation difficult in conservative states.
  Liberal NGOs and individuals are mobilizing.
  A southern nonprofit called JustthePill plans to deploy the nation’s first “mobile clinic fleet” in Colorado. The convoy, which stops mostly at state borders, provides abortion counseling and dispenses medication to women in conservative states who need abortions.
  Carafem, another nonprofit focused on abortion pills, meets remotely with women in conservative states and mails the pills to state PO boxes or to friends. “We have a lot of counselors, in their car, in a coffee shop, in the library, or just in a quiet corner, wearing headphones, taking abortion pills,” said Melissa Gran, the group’s chief operating officer
  . “When people say we’re going back to the dark days before Roe, that’s not the case,” concluded Northwestern University constitutional scholar Katie Watson. “The United States is in a very special medical environment.”

  Analysts expect conservative states to further restrict abortion drugs. The anti-abortion crowd has begun to declare that “the safety of the abortion pill is greatly exaggerated” and that medical abortion is a “serious public health threat.”
  Such a claim contradicts the FDA claim. The agency’s study noted that 95 percent of the 1,157 abortions performed via medication between May 2016 and September 2020 were completed without any follow-up procedures.
  Democrat, U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland recently stated that he will join other federal departments to defend women’s right to receive reproductive care (including drug abortion). “States must not ban mifepristone based on disagreement with the FDA on the safety of the abortion pill.”
Reduce the cost of motherhood

  In the face of complex abortion issues, the chaotic pull and conflict from multiple forces have repeatedly torn apart the United States. This further illustrates that the overturning of the Roe case was not a sudden, unsuspecting historic turn. Such a tear has accompanied the United States for nearly half a century.
  In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court established the right to abortion as a constitutional right, which was the most controversial judicial decision in U.S. history. Republicans introduced the Hyde Amendment in 1976, which banned the use of federal funds to support the poor and low-income people to pay for abortion care. Since then, conservative states have introduced restrictive measures to raise the threshold for abortion clinics to operate. According to statistics, in 2021 alone, the United States has introduced 108 measures to restrict abortion, of which 90 have become laws.
  Anti-abortion forces permeate every corner of America. Human Coalition, a nonprofit organization, used advertising and the promise of free services to reach women across the United States who wanted abortions. When women search online for “abortion services near me,” they likely find not a clinic that offers abortions, but crisis pregnancy care centers set up by anti-abortion groups that encourage pregnant women to have children.
  What’s more, political parties make a big fuss about abortion. Wei Zongyou, a professor at the Center for American Studies at Fudan University, told Nanfengchuang that in the 1970s, almost at the same time as the Roy case, the Democratic Party and the Republican Party automatically divided camps—the Democratic Party, which attracted urban elites, shouted in support of abortion and safeguarded women’s reproductive rights; Republicans, dominated by voters in the central and southern regions, used the slogan of banning abortion to attract “pro-life” voters.
  In recent years, Republicans have increasingly embraced the traditional Christian view of life. After the death of Justice Ginsburg in 2020, Trump nominated conservative Judge Barrett in a super fast 27 days. This is a Catholic who disagrees with Ginsburg on most judicial issues and voted twice in his previous career as a judge to restrict abortion. Her appointment raised the number of conservative justices on the Supreme Court to six. Since then, the Roe case has been in jeopardy.
  However, as far as judicial procedures are concerned, the overturning of the Roy case is not controversial. Fang Liufang, a scholar at China University of Political Science and Law, once concluded that in the debate over Roy’s case, the only consensus among judges with opposing positions is that the role of legal interpretation is to state the reasons for the trial – what matters is not what conclusion the judge draws, but how the judge draws it. Conclusion, what is the judge’s argument in support of the conclusion.
  Justice Samuel Alito, who wrote the majority opinion in Overturning Roe, said no one in the U.S. supported abortion as a constitutional right before Roe, and that it has always been a form of abortion in every state. crime. “The Roe decision was not based on constitutional text, history or sentencing precedent and was horribly wrong from the start… Now is the time to refocus the Constitution and return abortion rights to the people’s elected representatives.”
When women search online for “abortion services near me,” they likely find not a clinic that offers abortions, but crisis pregnancy care centers set up by anti-abortion groups that encourage pregnant women to have children.

  Chief Justice John Roberts, who favored incremental change, said his five conservative colleagues had gone too far in overturning the Roe case. “The Court’s opinion was thoughtful and thorough,” he wrote. “But these merits do not make up for the fact that the dramatic ruling was not necessary.”
  The chief justice, nominated by Bush Jr. like Alito, only supported The local bill that led to the overturn of Roe’s case — a Mississippi law that bans abortion after 15 weeks of pregnancy.
  On the face of it, the anti-abortion activists have won their first victory in half a century. However, as mentioned above, the forces for and against abortion mixed in the United States have been surging undercurrents and confronting each other. Overturning the Roe case has no real effect on easing the differences between the two sides.
  The bottom, poor, and many conservative women belonging to minority groups have become the most vulnerable group among them. From the moment they conceive a child, they carry the moral and legal burden to decide whether to leave a life as quickly as possible. Otherwise, they may be bound by many restrictions and forced to become mothers.
  In addition, when contraceptives are more popular today, blindly blaming the anti-abortion forces does not make much sense to change the status quo. It might not be so bad if the cost of motherhood for women after childbirth was reduced, and motherhood could receive social support and security. Ironically, American society has not given a good answer to the maternity guarantees and support measures for raising children for women who have given birth to children.
  For example, Texas, a populous state with a strong anti-abortion population, is actually one of the most dangerous fertility states in the United States. The state has one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the country, and the vast majority of obstructed births are black women. And, in 2020, the state saw more than 5 deaths per 1,000 births.
  ”Despite many anti-abortion advocates claiming to increase support for families, Republican-led states have so far passed only limited legislation, and they The main safeguard is funding pro-abortion crisis pregnancy centers.”
  On July 1, US President Biden held a meeting with 10 Democratic governors, saying that the federal government will do its best to protect women who want abortions. He also said he supports a congressional vote to write Roe into law — even though congressional consensus is nearly impossible.
  Today, blurred, chaotic, and extreme events are taking place across the United States. What is certain is that American women’s struggle for bodily autonomy is becoming more and more protracted.